These elders have now made aliyah. They live in Israel. They
work for the government.
Like the foolish villagers before them, Israel’s officials
love their elders of Chelm. For example,
take the problem of five stone apartment buildings in a place called Ulpana, a
neighbourhood in the town of Beit El. These buildings were built several years
ago when Ehud Barak, the current Defense Minister, was Israel’s Prime Minister.
If pictures are any indication, these building are made with reinforced
concrete that is layered over with cut limestone block. The walls are
approximately thirteen-fourteen inches thick. Each building houses six
families. These are not American-style brick homes. They are as sturdy as fortresses.
To make sure people would move into these apartment
buildings, Mr Barak’s government offered incentives, including infrastructure
and roads to service the buildings, plus individual home-owner assistance to
buy and finance purchases. These buildings were not a private-initiative
project. They were government-initiated, using a private contractor. The
project is an example of how a government can fund, build and encourage
families to move to less-than-convenient places. It is also an example of what
can happen when the elders of Chelm work for the government.
To build a new neighbourhood of reinforced-concrete-and-stone
apartment buildings in Judea-Samaria, several things have to happen. The
Housing Ministry has to issue a permit. A
local community Council has to approve a Master Plan. Land must be purchased. Then (at least perhaps
in this case), a community construction ‘arm’ has to secure and file the land
contracts. Then, the government has to build the infrastructure—roads,
retaining walls, electricity, sewage, sidewalks, etc. Finally, construction can
begin.
That’s the process: the Housing Ministry, a Community Council
and its construction ‘office’ must each touch paper—permits to build, a Master
Plan and contracts for land purchased; unless, that is, you are dealing with
the elders from Chelm; in that case, the process changes.
Here’s how it changes:
construction for the project at Ulpana began approximately 1998. At that
time, all necessary paperwork was required to have been completed, validated
and filed with the appropriate offices. However, no one seems to have confirmed that the
land-purchase contracts (and other paperwork) had been filed. The government
didn’t track anything. In fact, there was so little oversight that the building
contractor seems to have told the police (according to one news report) that he
didn’t have any building permits—and
he doesn’t know if a Master Plan for the project actually existed. He doesn’t know who holds the purchase contracts
for the land upon which he built the buildings.
He also apparently does not know that the purchase of one parcel of land
was never completed—or that the seller of the second—and final-- parcel may not
have owned the land he sold to the builder. The project unfolded with
government participation—and absolutely no evidence of competent oversight. The
builder finished his work and sold the apartments, bringing his plan to its
natural completion. Everyone seemed happy—until that is, some Arabs showed up
and said, ‘you don’t own the land you built on.’
In Israel, the elders
of Chelm don’t just work in the housing industry. They also work on the Supreme
Court and for the Prime Minister’s office.
Who’s at fault here? Based on news reports, the government
encouraged and supported thirty families to move, and these families now own
something that was constructed by a private contractor without proper paperwork.
During construction, the government never spoke up. What do the courts do? Who
should accept responsibility for this—and what should the penalty be?
The elders of Chelm on Israel’s High Court had the answers: you
throw out the families living there and destroy the buildings.
If that doesn’t sound like a high-quality legal decision, don’t
worry. The elders of Chelm also work in the Prime Minister’s office. They have
a counter-solution: transport the buildings (with their fourteen-inch thick
walls) to a different part of Beit-El.
The government loves this solution—but no one knows if such
a plan is physically possible--or legal.
Doesn’t this sound like another
hospital-under-the-hole-in-the-bridge idea? If so, why isn’t it funny?
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