What Israel's four elections in two years were really all about

(Last update: March 26, 2021) 

Less than 48 hours after the end of Israel's 4th national election in 2 years, some things appear to have become clear.  While much had changed for this fourth-in-a-row and latest election, the outcome in this election was no different than the previous three. No one defeated Netanyahu. The election was also as inconclusive as the previous three--as if Israel is so uncertain about what it wants, it cannot make up its mind.

Netanyahu won again, as he had in each of the previous three elections. But, again, he appears to have no clear path to being able to form a government (here).

This election brought something new to our elections. First, it brought new politicians to the fray. It also brought in new political Parties. 

It didn't matter. Neither changed the final result. 

Once again, Netanyahu got the most votes. Once again, he couldn't corral enough seats to form a government.

Once again, all is not lost for Netanyahu's enemies. As with the three previous elections, days after this election ended, Netanyahu's enemies could still get their wish. Netanyahu could still lose.

Don't bet on it. Yes, enough votes have already been counted to tell us that Netanyahu will have problems trying to form a ruling coalition. But he may suffer no real "defeat". The worse that might happen to him is that there will be yet another election. 

That is, there could be another election run against Netanyahu, unless anti-Netanyahu forces in the Knesset succeed in passing legislation to keep him out of the next election. Right now, that would be their best plan to get rid of Netanyahu. Ban him from runnning (here).

The thought process here is, if voters keep voting for Netanyahu, his political enemies cannot beat him. Therefore, damn the voters. Damn the ballot box. After all, Netanyahu is a tyrant (his enemies say)--and Israel is a democracy. Therefore, if the politicians in the Knesset ban him, Israel's democracy will be protected, right? 

Netanyahu's enemies have already tried to do this. They failed. Voters just kept voting for him. 

Damn the voters. Will Netanyahu's enemies succeed in  banning him this time--or will this just be another example of doing the same thing over and again, always expecting a different result?

To get a good look at how Israel's "political madness" plays out, read here. You may even learn why that madness occurs.

Israel has a surplus of ego-inflated politicians who call to protect democracy (their reason for getting rid of Netanyahu) while having no idea what makes a country a democracy in the first place (the ballot box). These wonders-of-the-world repeatedly engage in election insanity. They love that insanity. They blame Netanyahu's ego for Israel's woes when what they should do is look into a mirror to see why Israel is in such a mess. But they won't do that. I think they claim they can't find an honest mirror. 

From reading what Israel's politicians say, it would appear that Israel's election woes are caused by Benjamin Netanyahu himself. Yes,  it's all Netanyahu's fault. You see, election after election, Netanyahu wins. He always wins at the ballot box. Always. 

The more he wins, the more his political enemies hate him. They cannot wait to get rid of him. They see him as a kind of curse.  

For me, these politicians are wrong. They miss what there is to learn from the four election failures. 

These four elections were not about Benjamin Netanyahu, even though just about everyone and his nephew said it was. These elections were not about "protecting Israel's democracy", even though half of Netanyahu's enemies said it was. These election were also not about Netanyahu-is-a-dictator-who-must-be-replaced, even though the other half of his enemies said it was.

These four elections were about something else entirely, something I believe amounts to an unspoken national, Jewish secret. It is a secret Israelis are so afraid of, they refuse to recognize it. 

But this 'secret' is there, all right, driving every one of these four elections. In fact, if there is to be a fifth election, this national, Jewish secret will drive that election, too.   

One of the few hints we saw this year that this "secret' truly exists came recently from one of Israel's chief Netanyahu-haters, politician Avigdor Liberman. About a month ago, Liberman had declared (correctly, I believe) that, in this election, Israelis are going to have to make a choice. They will have to choose between voting for "an insane messianist government [that is, a Netanyahu government] or [a] Zionist-Liberal government [that is, a non-Right, non-Religious secular government]" (here). 

Unwittingly, Liberman identified the single most important truth about these bitter, hate-filled elections: these elections were never about Bibi (Netanyahu's nickname). They were never about electing "anyone but Bibi". They were never about "protecting democracy"--or ridding Israel of a dictator.

These elections have always been about just one question: does Israel want to be a Jewish state, or does Israel want to be a Liberal-secular state? That's what Liberman's "choice" was about.

The problem for many here is that half of Israel simply does not vote to select a Liberal-secular government. Few in Israel have ever discussed, let alone anaylsed or explored, this issue. It seems taboo. It seems too painful--or, perhaps, too challenging--to approach. No one wants to confront it, least of all those secular activists who continue to challenge Netanyahu--and cry aloud against him.

Israel is in pain. The 'advertised' pain over "Netanyahu" is nothing more than a fig leaf. It hides what for many in Israel seems to be a matter of personal shame--Israel's "Jewishness". 

The ballot box tells us half of Israel wants to be 'like everyone else'--that is, not Jewish, not religious. Many in Israel look at life in Europe. They look at life in the US and Canada. That's the life they want: liberal, secular and definitely not Jewish.

Israel has lost its true North. Israel exists because it is the Holy Land populated by the Holy people, the Jews. Israel does not exist to be 'like everyone else'.

Half of Israel mourns this reality. Half of Israel does not.

The spiritual-political angst created by the "halving' of Israel's voters provokes a communal angst. It is an identity crisis (who are we?) that has become the proverbial 800-pound gorilla sitting at the back of Israel's political stage. Everyone knows it's there. Everyone steers clear of it. No one dares acknowledge it. 

This week's election illustrates the point. According to early poll results (whose final tally in any event should differ by no more than 3% or 4%) show 49.2% of Israelis favor a government that will be "Jewish" over being "Liberal-secular"; and 50.8% of Israelis prefer a government that will be "Liberal-secular".   

The margin of error here is probably +/- 3.5%. This means that by the time all votes are counted, the final vote could be switched from what it is today--to something like 51% in favor of "Jewish", 49% in favor of "Liberal-secular". Or, not. 

If you want to explain to a friend what in the world is going on in Israel, it might be wise to start with this preliminary 49.2%-50.8% split. Simply put, Israel cannot decide what it wants to be, a Jewish state, or a secular state. It is tearing itself apart over this, spending so far 14 Billion shekel for four elections that have settled nothing. Israel is still 50-50 on this question.

Did you know an identity crisis could be this expensive? In Israel, it is.

This identity crisis splits us. We have seen some version of this 50-50 split in each of the last four elections, elections which are truly shrill and literally full of sound and fury. But each of these elections ends up signifying nothing--except the need for another (expensive) election. 

Perhaps it can be useful to look at this situation this way: the Jewish Holiday of Pesach (Passover) is just a couple of days away. This particular Holiday celebrates the Jewish redemption from slavery in Egypt. Our Sages teach us that this isn't just about our past redemption. It is also about our future, Final Redemption. 

Jews have varying opinions about this Final Redemption. Some believe it is nowhere in sight. Some say it doesn't exist. But more and more among us have begun to think that our Final Redemption is in fact close. For this group, our Final Redemption is either near, imminent or virtually upon us, depending upon whom you ask. 

That's how close some believe Israel to be to the end of history as we know it. For some, it suggests how close we are to reaching our promised Destiny--just at a time when 50% wants something different--Liberal, secular, not "Jewish".

Pesach 2021: just as the Jews of ancient Egypt had to choose between history and Destiny, between Jewish and not-Jewish, so must we. In large part, that's what I see in these futile elections. Both the ancient Jews of Egypt and modern Jews of Israel share an identity crisis: Jewish or secular? We cannot decide.

This identity-decision is what these unending elections have been about--not Netanyahu, corruption, dictatorship or democracy.  In ancient Egypt, the choice for Jews was between staying as slaves inside the world's wealthiest and most advanced nation (Egypt), or joining with Moshe (Moses), to leave behind all wealth and comfort in order to step out into the desert for the unknown. To a certain extent, that's what Israel's election s have been about.

In the end, our Heitage teaches us that 80% of those ancient Jews chose to remain in Egypt. As a result of that choice, they were swallowed up. They disappeared forever. The remain ing 20% chose to go with Moshe. Only 20% chose to become G-d's Holy people. Only they survived. 

Jews in Israel face a similar decision. The good news is, today, more than 20% choose "Jewish". Today, some 49.2% choose "Jewish".  

When you sit down at your Pesach Seder on March 27, 2021,  you will read about the story of our Redemption from Egypt. As you read, remember the 80% who chose to stay in Egypt. Remember what Liberman said about Israel's modern choice: we must choose Jewish or secular--just as those Jews in Egypt had to choose.

Stay tuned. The stories of our modern angst--and our Redemption--are not over.  

In the meantime, happy Pesach!

Another Israel election (March 23, 2020): disenfranchising Israel's voters?

(Last update: March 19, 2021)

My wife and I made aliyah to israel more than 10 years ago. Since a Prime Minister's term in Israel is supposed to be four years, we should have seen only two national elections during these past ten+ years--or, alternatively, we might have expected to see perhaps three such elections, depending on when in a four-year election cycle we came here.  

But we haven't seen two (or three) national elections since we came in 2010. We've seen five elections. Number six will be held next week, March 23rd. Why? Because Israel has a broken election system. 

This is a problem. A broken election system means a broken democracy (here). 

In a democracy, national elections give citizens the power to choose their national leader. Indeed, national elections are, arguably, the most fundamental characteristic of a democracy. 

But Israel's election system fails to grant this right to its citizens. It fails democracy's most basic test.

Israel's elections do not empower Israeli voters. It disenfranchises them. That is, an Israeli election takes the power of the ballot box away from voters and hands the actual selection of a Prime Minister to others. 

This is the first hint that Israel's voters may be disenfranchised. It isn't the only such hint. 

As I have written before, the first thing that happens in Israel after election results are in is that everyone turns away from the voters' choice to focus instead on the nation's unelected President. His job is, essentially, to push the voters' choice aside. Ignoring ballot box results, he consults (by law) with all political Parties which have succeeded in getting elected into the Knesset during that election. He asks the leader of each political Party in the Knesset just one question: who will you support to be Prime Minister? 

Voter disenfranchisement begins here because the candidate with the most votes is not entitled to the support of any political Party in the Knesset except, of course, from his own Party, of which he is the leader (which means he gets to name himself as the candidate he will support for national leader). In fact, to answer the President's question (about whom to name to be national leader) Party leaders in the Knesset can choose anyone for Prime Minister, including themselves. The voters' ballot box choice is ignored.

The President's goal with his one question is to find out which candidate in the recent election will be supported by the most political Party leaders. Each Party leader controls --on paper, at least--Knesset seats his own Party has won in the recent election. Typically, a political Party in the Knesset will control anywhere between 4 and 30+ seats. The President's job is to tally the number of seats Party leaders say they will 'commit' to the candidate in question.

Here is where a voter gets a second hint he has been  disenfranchised. Israel's President has to make a decision about which political Party leader in the Knesset he will ask to form a "coalition government" for Israel. He is not obligated to choose the obvious vote winner. 

No one in Israel can become Prime Minister until he demonstrates to our President that he can attract enough Party leaders to commit at least 61 Knesset "seats" to him. There are 120 seats total in the Knesset. Therefore, 61 seats means a majority. It means a candidate with 61 seats (in theory) "loyal" to him through agreements with Party leaders will--in theory--"control" a majority of the Knesset.The candidate who can do that becomes Israel's national leader.

To understand how this part of Israel's election process disenfranchises Israel's voter, look at what happened after last year's election (March 2020). First. the two leading vote-getters in that election were Benjamin Netanyahu and his major rival at that time, Benny Gantz. Netanyahu won the most votes of the election. Gantz won the second most votes. Netanyahu's Party won 36 seats in the Knesset, the largest number of any Party. Gantz's Party was runner-up, with 33 seats.

If the President's task was just to do arithmetic, Netanyahu would have gotten the nod to attempt to form a coalition government--because the arithmetic said the important numbers--vote total and seats won--clearly favored Netanyahu. But he didn't get that nod. Benny Gantz got it.

The reason Gantz got the nod to attempt to form a government is simple: the President's role in this part of the election process isn't about numbers. It certainly isn't about total votes in the election. It's about who the President feels has the best chance to get the commitments needed to attract the 61 seats necessary to become Prime Minister.

Put another way, the reason this part of the election process disenfranchises the voter is that it depends not on a ballot box vote count. It relies only upon one unelected man's feelings. Feelings. Those feelings focus on one idea: which candidate does the President feel has the best chance to gather in those 61 "commitments". Vote count--or, what the voters felt when they went to the ballot box--is irrelevant.

The President's involvement in our election process seems to be a form of voter disenfranchisemen because it takes the country's selection process completely out of the voters' hands. But--worse than than--it introduces the selection process to what some might call a form of political corruption. Israel's election process requires the candidate to work with politicial rivals to manipulate the election's purpose for Party leaders own, private gain. 

Typically, an Israeli Knesset will have 10-12 Parties. This number can, of course fluctuate. In 2020, Gantz had to talk to something like 10 Party leaders to see who would help him form a 61-seat majority.

The need to pass through such a "consultation" process is the second hint that Israel's voters get disenfranchised. 

This part of Israel's election process works like this: once Israel's President chooses one candidate to make the attempt to convince enough of his political rivals to "join" with him to form a ruling coalition of at least 61 seats, the candidate begins what might be called either politics-at-its-best or, alternatively, politics-at-its-worst. What happens in practice, however, isn't so much politics as it is a political form of "horse-trading".

For this political version of "horse-trading", each Party leader who has told the President that he supports the candidate in question will now officially meet with that candidate. In 2020, that meant something like 10 individual meetings with Benny Gantz. At these meetings, each Party leader was to make his case for helping the candidate to create a ruling coalition. Party leaders typically make their case by asking the candidate just one question: how many Government Ministries will you give to my Party to control in order to convince me to join your government? 

The problem with this "horse-trading" is that a candidate has campaigned for office on a political platform. That platform lays out what will be--at least in theory--the candidate's plan to govern. But this horse-trading subverts that plan. Party leaders are not interested in the candidate's plan to govern. They are interested in their own plans. They will never join with  anyone who refuses to bend his campaign promises to meet the needs of the Party leader. 

These meetings, in other words, rewrite what a candidate can do in office. The candidate, through those Ministrry appointments, esse ntially gives up his control of those  Ministries to rivals, most of whom absolutely have their own ideas about what they want to do. 

This may be why, in Israel, there used to be a saying: "if you vote Left, you will get a Leftitst government. If you vote Right, you will get a Leftist government". 

For most politicians in Israel, getting to be Prime Minister is  not so much based on the ability to attract voters, as much as it is based on how well you can bastardize your governing political agenda to get those 61 seats.

This is not how a democracy is supposed to work. But it is how Israel's election system works. It was what Gantz had to experience on his way to securing the right to be named Prime Minister.

Gantz got the nod to seek those seats, all right. But he couldn't do it. He could not attract the commitments he needed. He failed.

That meant that the President had to make that same decision again, this time without Gantz in the mix (he had just failed). Once again, Netanyahu was the obvious choice. But the President was not obligated to choose him. He could have chosen anyone.

In the end, Netanyahu got that chance. He made it work. But while he was able to form a coalition government, he couldn't create a coalition that could actually work together. The government failed. Hence, next week's election.

In Israel, voters do not select their Prime Minister. The  unelected President, along with politicians in the Knesset get that power. 

In Israel, the country's unelected President has what is, for all intents and purposes, the final say in our election process. Certainly, by the time the President gets involved in the process--days, if not weeks after the election has ended--the voters' wishes have been completely forgotten. This is called voter disenfranchisement.

Today, Israel is less than a week away from another election. Netanyahu could be next week's winner. If he wins again, he will again need to attract those 61 seats. 

This--attracting those 61 seats--is where Israel's voters will be trashed. If voters going to the polls choose Netanyahu again to lead this country, that wish will be ignored: there are simply too many politicans who hate Netanyahu so much they say they will not help him to form a new government. Their own  campaigns have been based on this claim. They want him gone--the voters be damned. They even ran on  "anyone-but-Bibi" platforms.

The voice of Israel's voters will be silenced. Yet again, Israel's voters will be disenfranchised. 

This is not how a democracy is supposed to work. But it is how a badly run democracy-in-name-only works. It is also how Israel's so-called "defenders of democracy" use their personal, selfish goals and hatreds to both ignore the people's will and drive Israel to the precipice of political paralysis.

The moral of this story is this: it is possible that the Final Jewish Redemption will, ultimately, repudiate many of the ideas of Western Liberalism, including how a government is supposed to look. Will this election crisis turn out to be the catalyst that provokes for Israel that repudiation process? 

Stay tuned. Maybe we'll get lucky next week. Perhaps our fourth election in two years won't turn out to be yet another election failure. Then again...

A potental Corona "rebellion" has evaporated--for now

 

In last week's essay, below, you saw how Israelis reacted to an official lockdown requirement for the Jewish holiday, Purim--February 24-25, 2021. That lockdown, public officials said, was necessary to keep the Corona pandemic from spiking. Officials were concerned that Israel's Purim parties would act as super-spreaders. Officials feared social-distancing and mask requirements would be ignored during parties.

The government semed to believe a Purim lockdown was a great idea. It wasn't. It failed.

Israeli reaction to a Purim lockdown seemed to be as close to open rebellion as anything Israel has seen during this pandemic. First, despite the lockdown, few parties were stopped. Every city in Israel saw lockdown violations.  

In addition, some party-goers went so far as to attack police who tried to stop them from partying. Israelis seemed fed up.  They were, it would appear, ready to fight for their right to party. 

That was 12 days ago.  Since then, Corona cases have not spiked. New cases have fallen. 

This was good news, indeed. It meant that health officials could breath a sigh of relief. Their worst fears had not materialized.

As part of that relief, Israel's Corona Czar, Prof. Nachman Ash, has now declared there will be no lockdown for Israel's next national election on March 23rd. He also announced there would be no lockdown for Israel's next holiday celebration, Pesach (Passover) (here). 

Ten hours later, we saw yet another announcement: for the Pesach seder, "a gathering of more than 20 people in a closed space will be possible" (here). 

This was very good news. But was it wise? Pesach is more than two weeks away. It begins on the night of March 27th. If the pandemic has taught us anything, it's that no one can predict anything during a pandemic for a period of time two weeks out. How do officials know there will be no new covid case spike between now and then?

Apparently, announcing 'no Pesach lockdown' more than two weeks in advance of Pesach causes Prof Ash no concern. He must feel certain there will be no spike in new Corona cases within the upcoming two weeks. Does he know something the rest of Israel doesn't?

My guess is, his announcement was an attempt to extinguish any chance for a public Corona rebellion. After all, no holiday  lockdown means no public anger over Corona rules. No public anger means no pressure to protest or openly defy or openly attack authorities over Corona issues.

Does this mean Pesach will be free of public anger over  Corona restrictions? Does it suggest there will be no reason for a "Pesach Corona rebellion"? More important, does it mean we're finally headed for some good news about Corona?

Stay tuned. This pandemic is not over. 

 

Is Israel headed towards a Corona rebellion?

Before Purim 2021 in Israel began, police and public health officials announced that Purim parties of all types, whether religious or secular, were to be canceled. Yes, Purim might be termed by some a "Party holiday". But this year, police and health officials said, there would be no  partying. 

The rationale for canceling all parties was simple: the pandemic wasn't over. Officials saw partying as a Corona super-spreader. In theory, therefore, fewer parties meant less Corona patients 10-14 days down the line (after the disease incubation period).

That line of thinking looked sound. But it didn't work. It failed. Miserably.

On Purim 2021, Israeli police had their hands full with stamping out parties. They handed out hundreds of fines.  By Saturday, they had broken up over 200 parties (here).  Many of these were street parties. This meant that, after police broke them up, they just moved to another street. 

People were clearly in no mood for any more Corona "don'ts". They wanted their freedom. They wanted to party.

That's why police reported that, in Israel, every city saw Purim party violations. Every city.  

For religious Jews, Purim parties aren't held on a Saturday--the Jewish Shabbat.  But in secular Israel, Shabbat isn't a religious day. For Israel's seculars, the Shabbat after this year's Purim was just a day to continue partying. 

That day proved to be a particularly heavy party day. The police seemed overwhelmed (here). 

 Health authorites were horrified. They had reason to be.

To track the progress or regression of a pandemic, it is helpful to know how many people each pandemic patient infects. This information can then be translated into a number, called the infection coefficient ratio. An infection coeffient ratio of 1.00 means, in theory, that a pandemic can be controlled, as each patient infects, in theory, only 1 other person. A coefficient ratio of 5.0 means, in theory, that the pandemic spreads aggressively because each Corona patient infects, in theory, 5 other people. An infection coefficient ratio less than 1.00 means, in theory, that fewer people are being infected by each patient. It means infection spread is not out-of-control. In theory, an  infection coefficient ratio below 1.00 means a pandemic will begin to recede. 

What health officials always want to see are infection coefficient ratios below 1.00. In fact, by February 21st, some 4 days before Purim, Israel's infection coefficient ratio had dropped to .83--a sure sign that the pandemic was easing, not spreading (here). 

That was good news. But it was only temporary. The bad news was, over the next two days, by February 24th--the day before Purim--Israel's infection coefficient ratio had jumped to .94 (here). The spread of Corona was increasing, not receding--and Israel's health authorities knew this. 

Did they share this information with us? If they did, few got the message. Certainly, those party-goers didn't get it--or, worse, they got the message but didn't care. 

Was their partying a form of a Corona rebellion?

The probem Israel faces is, if the spread of this pandemic threatens to increase, not recede, authorities could feel forced to announce another lockdown for the next Jewish holiday--Pesach (Passover). That holiday is now just three weeks away. 

The thought of trying to lock down Pesach must terrify officials.  You see, Pesach (Passover) may be more important to Israelis than Purim. It is arguably the most family-oriented holiday in Israel. That means extended family gatherings for the Pesach seder. That could lead to enhanced violations of social distancing requirements. Those violations could cause the pandemic to spike.

Will Israelis do on Pesach what they had done on Purim--violate lockdown, travel and social distancing requirements? It's possible.

Over Purim, the problem was more than partying. Some Israelis openly defied Police warnings, in yet another indicator of rebellion. Intent upon getting to Jerusalem to celebrate Purim, these Israelis drove their cars towards Jerusalem's city limits. When stopped by police at "checkpoints", they simply abandoned their cars (at the checkpoints) and walked the rest of the way to the city. Some even attacked police trying to stop them (here). 

On Pesach, many Israelis--especially seculars--will drive to their family seder. Will police try to stop them, too? How will they react to being stopped?

Over the next two weeks, the corona infection incubation period will tell us pretty clearly what communal damage, if any, will have been caused by all those Purim parties. If Israel's infection coeficient ratio grows higher than 1.00, we could see another holiday lockdown. The bad news here is, on March 4, that ratio was already at .99. 

Will it go higher? 

Purim has proved that people have become increasingly averse to coercive public rules. Israelis are tired of covid restrictions. They want their "normal" back. They want their freedom back. They are losing patience. 

Look at the question of a potential Corona rebellion this way: Israelis reacted  badly to the Purim lockdown; never forget that people are less likely to obey covid rules after they've been vaccinated (here): therefore, how will Israelis react if, just before Pesach (with as many  as 70% of Israel's population having taken both covid shots), health authorities decide to call for a Pesach lockdown because covid case numbers are still too high? 

Do you believe Israelis will sit still for that lockdown?

Stay tuned. This drama isn't over. Neither is the Coronavirus.

Israel's Corona Purim, 2021

 

For the year 2021, the Jewish holiday of Purim begins Thursday night, February  25, 2021.In most of Israel--as around the world--the holiday continues the next day, Friday, February 26, 2021. But in Israeli cities that  had ancient walls around them, Purim celebrations actually begin the next day, Friday night. For 2021 that would mean not a Thursday night-Friday Purim, but a Friday night-Shabbat Purim. Since it is not universally agreed upon which cities in Israel had such ancient walls, this 'deferred day' of Purim is celebrated only in Jerusalem.

 We do not live in Jerusalem. Therefore, we celebrate Purim the way the rest of Israel--and the world--does, Thursday night-to-Friday afternoon (until just before Shabbat begins.

Purim is a holiday that  commmemorates an incident in Jewish history that happened perhaps 2,500 hundred years ago. It celebrates how the Jews of Persia were saved from being annihilated by the evil government official, Haman. Of course, there's much more to this holiday, but that's the core of Purim.  

This is why Purim has been termed as a holiday of joy. Included in Israel's Purim 'joy' are parades, costumes and a traditionally large festive meal for family, extended families and friends. There are also (depending on location) street dancing and public gatherings to sing and dance. 

But not this year, not in 2021. This year, Purim (at least in Israel) will be different. Very different.

This year, Israel's Purim will have a distinctive Coronavirus feel to it. Purim 2021 occurs at a time when Israel is still trying to enforce a universal social-distancing mandate to prevent the spread of the cornavirus. Purim's parades and celebrations represent a threat to such a mandate. 

Last year's Purim celebrations provoked (according to Israel's Health Ministry) a spike in new corona cases. For 2021, the Health Ministry fears that such celebrations could cause another post-Purim spike in new corona cases. 

Israel's Health Ministry doesn't want to see that spike. So it has published new rules for Purim 2021: 

1. In Charedi (Israel's ultra-orthodox) neighborhoods, a concerted call has gone out to restrict or limit all "excessive" alcohol consumption (here). The assumption here is, intoxication reduces social distancing to close to zero--at least, among the intoxicated. That failure to observe social distancing, it is believed, would spread the virus.

2. Family festive meals are to be limited to one's nuclear family.

3. A new, temporary lockdown (for Purim only) has been ordered for Thursday, Friday and Saturday nights, beginning February 25, 2021. It will start each night at 8:30 pm and end at 5 am the next morning (here). The goal is to prevent public gatherings that could spread the pandemic (here).

4. All parades and Purim parties--cancelled.

5. Only those with written verification of having received a vaccine shot will be allowed to pray inside a synagogue. Others are to pray outside the synagogue. Synagogues are to  monitor who will be allowed to enter.

Will these 5 rules work? Well, Purim is a real "party" holiday. Public celebrations and gatherings are part of what it means to celebrate Purim. Stopping those gatherings will be a challenge.

Police in Israel have apparently understood this "Purim-means-party-time" mentality. That's why they spent the better part of Wednesday, February 24, 2021 bringing "Purim Party organizers" to police stations around Israel--to warn the organizers against holding any Purim or pre-Purim parties (here). 

Within 24 hours, Israel's Police issued a statment that they had already "thwarted" 31 such so-called Purim parties (here). Their statement added that  33 "suspects" had been questioned--and warned not to hold parties (ibid).

Will their pleas, warnings and lockdowns work? We don't know. We don't know how many people will actually obey the State's Purim restrictions. 

 The only thing we do know is that Israel's Police have publicized they will set up 24 roadblocks (Police call these 'checkpoints') around the country to curtail intercity travel, to keep people from "gathering" (here). 

Will the Police succeed? Will these rules and restrictions keep people from their Purim celebrations? 

There's already a problem with at least one of the restrictions. This problem involves the planned Purim lockdown that's scheduled to start tonight at 8:30 pm local time. That's a problem because many synagogues in Israel have already scheduled a repeat reading of the Purim story (called in Hebrew, the Megilat Esther) to begin at 8 pm tonight--just 30 minutes before the lockdown is to begin. 

A repeat reading is typically scheduled at this time because hearing this story read aloud is a religious obligation. Some people (mostly caregivers of smaller children) cannot always get to the first reading, read earlier in the day this year at app 6:15 pm. Therefore, this repeat reading was created for 8 pm. 

The problem is, a reading of this Megillah usually takes app 45 minutes. This means that anyone going to this repeat reading at 8 pm won't be done until 8:45 (at the earliest), on average. If the reading won't end until 8:45, how will these people be able to leave their synagogue without violating the lockdown start-time of 8:30 pm? 

What will police do to those people? Will the police allow them to disperse--or fine them for obeying the laws of their religion?

Public posters and internet announcements for an 8 pm start for the repeat reading have already been posted or sent out. Will the start time be pushed back to 7 or 7:30 pm? Will everyone truly find out about any last-minute time changes to the start-time? Will people show up at the originally-scheduled 8 pm time only to find the Megillah is more than half-done?

Jews world-wide are required to hear the Purim Megillah read twice (in addition to any repeat readings), once this year on Thursday night, then once again the next morning. Missing half of either such reading (or its repeat) doesn't fulfil a person's requirement to hear the Megillah being read. What will those who arrive late to any repeat reading do? Will they be forced to violate the lockdown by staying until yet another reading has begun?

Finally, there is the issue of the Purim festive meal (called a seudat mitzvah--a meal required to be done to fulfill a commandment). This meal is traditionally for extended families and/or friends. That is, these meals represent a form of "communal" dining--which the State wishes to curtail this Purim. How many Israelis will violate this rule by trying to skirt all those police roadblocks ("checkpoints") referred to above?

Israel's political leaders appear very worried about this year's Purim. They are so worried that Israel's Health Minister has delivered a public message to some of Israel's pre-Purim 'revelers'. He said, "you are to blame for the coming dead" (here).

That's what Israel's Corona Purim looks like. Apparently, Purim 2021 isn't so much about celebrating our being saved long ago from annihilation. It's about, "the coming dead!"

Happy 2021 Purim, Israel. 

Today is a dark, bleak day in Israel

To be in exile means to be away from one's homeland. Exile can be forced upon you--or, it can be voluntary. Either way, one is bereft--that is, deprived of one's most precious possession, one's natural homeland.

Exile is not a happy place. It is not filled with joy. As with the original Egyptian exile in our Torah, exile can begin as a refuge. But it always, in our Jewish history, turns toxic. It turns dark, bleak, dangerous.

If you are in exile, you should remember that. For the Jew, exile always turns toxic.

Today, most Jews who live outside Israel are not forced to remain outside Israel. Certainly, with emigration to Israel easier than it's ever been, Jews who continue to stay outside of Israel do so, for the most part, because they choose to stay away. 

As a consequence of such a choice, too many Jews in exile have little contact with Israel. Cut off from their homeland--and perhaps their Jewish heritage--they rely on what others say about Israel to learn about Israel. 

Unfortunately, little of what Jews in exile see and read about Israel is true. Most Jews in the Diaspora--what Jews call their group exile--do not see Israel in a positive light.They see the opposite. They see Israel through a prism that is dark, bleak, hostile and negative. 

The world tells Jews in exile that Israel is a gross Human Rights violator. Israel is apartheid. It's a nation that oppresses another-- the "Palestinian". 

To most of the world, Israel is pretty much a rogue state--a kind of international outlaw. Just ask the European Union and the United Nations. Ask the "Palestinians".  Ask the Jewish students in exile Universities who listen to Students for Justice for Palestinians. Listen to those who use bullhorns in the streets and on University campuses to spread the lies of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) Movement.

Just ask all those so-called Jewish organizations in exile who demonize Israel. 

The truth is, Israel grants more political rights to Arabs than any Arab country. Israel grants Arab women more rights than any Arab country. Israel observes Human Rights requirements better that any Arab country. Israel grants more religious freedom to minority religions than any Arab country. Israel is rated as the freest country in a Middle East dominated by Arab despots. Indeed, it is the only "free" country in the Middle East (here). 

But for most Jews in exile, none of this matters.  They believe what they read. To them, Israel is a dark, horrific place that crushes Human Rights--and the human spirit along with those Rights. Too many Jews in exile wonder, who in their right mind would want to live in Israel?

Perhaps that's why so many Jews in exile rest easy in their exile. This nasty, unjust Israel is not for them. They rest easy in exile because they feel happier in exile.

Funny thing, though, few in Israel see themselves with such a dark, unhappy view. To the contrary, Israelis tend to see themselves as happier than most others. Did you know that?

Israel was the 13th happiest place in the world in the 2019 Happiness Index. It was the 14th happiest country in the 2020 Index (here). By contrast, the US was ranked 18th in 2020 (here). The "Palestinian Territories" were ranked 125th (ibid). Canada was ranked 11th (ibid). Most all of the European Union countries rank lower than Israel.

You might feel happier not being in Israel. But would such a feeling be correct? 

Israelis aren't just happier than most people. They live longer, too. Israel currently ranks 12th in the world for life expectancy (here). By contrast, most of Europe (including Germany and the UK) rank lower than Israel. Canada ranks 16th. The US ranks 46th. The "Palestinian Authority" ranks 98th.

Who in their right mind would want to live in such unhappy, less healthy countries?

While the world is flooded with lies about Israel, Israel thrives. Its people ignore the lies. They are happy. They are healthy. they are optimistic.

Can you say the same about people in your exile country?

While lies about Israel race around the world, Israel stays put--and becomes the "Start-up" nation. It invents stuff. It makes your world a better, healthier, safer place. 

Can you say the same  about your exile nation? 

If your country has a horrific flood, earthquake or fire, it's Israelis who will probably get to you first to help. They'll help you dig out, dry out and recover. They'll deliver your babies and do emergency surgeries in emergency hospitals they bring with them to your emergencty site.

Does your exile nation do that for others?

Today, Arab countries, former enemies, begin to see Israel in a new light. They begin to normalize relations with Israel. They seek peace with Israel.

Israel is happy, all right. The world's media are wrong. Israel is not the source of problems in the world. Israel is the place to go for solutions to problems.

In exile, does your media ever say anything good about this Holy Land?    

So if Israel is that good, why is today in Israel both dark and bleak? Well, I probably know something you don't.  

I know it's raining in Israel today. That doesn't sound like much, does it. But it's a big deal. 

In Israel, such a dark, cold, rainy and bleak day is no cause for concern. Such a day is fine. It's better than fine. It's good.

Here, rain is no nusance. In Israel, with its dry desert climate, rain is a blessing. It's a miracle. That's what's different about Israel--the blessings and the miracles we see.

Do you see such things in your exile country?

Rain brings life to this desert nation. It replenishes our national water supply. It sustains our planting--and our farmers. 

In Israel, rain means we will eat in the Spring and Summer. It means life.

That's the way it is in G-d's country. It's what we pray for. It's what brings joy. Just ask most anyone on most any of our streets.

In Israel, our winter's bleak, dark, wet and cold days mean only one thing to us--a good harvest. Where I live, today's rain is particularly hard, cold and wet. Bleak, dark days like this mean we can anticipate seeing joy from our coming harvest. It means we will have real reason to celebrate at Pesach (Passover) time--our Spring Holiday.

In Israel, we don't see bleak and dark as bad. But you're not in Israel. You're in exile. Do you see the blessings in your bleak and dark winter days? Do you see the miracles?

To see that, you have to live here--in Israel.

Is this how democracy in Israel will die?

 I'm starting to  wonder if democracy in Israel will die. If it does, I suspect we won't see it coming. 

It may be like an unexpected loss in the best SuperBowl game ever played. Your team will lead by the narrowest of leads until the last few seconds of the game when, suddenly, there's an inexplicable fumble that the opposing team picks up and returns for a score. It'll be over in seconds. 

In Israel, the death of democracy could happen that quickly. For Israel, such a death, at least as I see it, may be preordained by events from America. 

American politicians have begun this week to impeach now-former President Donald J. Trump for a second time. Of course, in America, the purpose of impeaching a US President is to remove him from office. But this President, Trump, is already out of office.

Doesn't matter. Apparently, impeaching Trump a second time is the only way America can protect its democracy. Well, perhaps I'm wrong about that. Maybe I'm being influenced by what I see being said about Israel's own leader, Benjamin Netanyahu.

You see, in Israel, political events aren't much different from what you see in America. The effort to remove a hated National leader has proven to be as frustrating to politicians in Israel as it has been to politicians in the US. Only here, that frustration is worse because our national leader has been in office for more than 10 years, far longer than Trump's four years. Those who hate Benjamin Netanyahu just can't dislodge him through the voting booth. He's been too popular.

Democracy protects him. His opponents hate that protection.

So what do Netanyahu-haters in Israel do with a man like Netanyahu? They study what the haters in the US have done to their leader. 

Israel's Netanyahu-haters learn from their American counterparts. They now use their own, Israeli-style trial, to destroy Benjamin Netanyahu's political career just as Americans use their style of trial to destroy Trump's political career.  

Is this what democracy has come to in both countries, a platform upon which to crucify a hated leader? Looks that way, doesn't it? 

This strategy of political crucifixion seems to make sense for Israel because those who hate Netanyahu are so inept, they have failed repeatedly at finding a viable candidate to replace Netanyahu. They have also failed to find a viable campaign message with which to draw votes to their candidates. 

That's why they study US Democrats.  

Israelis who seek success dumping Netanyahu now confer with US Democrats. Following America's lead, Israelis aim to use democracy's legal system to destroy the man they hate, a man they fear because they cannot beat him the democratic way--at the ballot box. 

They will use, in other words, the new American approach to political change. Democracy's ballot box is too risky. It's too "old hat". It's too uncertain.

Netanyahu's enemies aim to "prove" that Natanyahu is a criminal. They claim they must do this because it's the only way to protect "democracy" from Netanyahu's corruption.

Sound familiar, America?

Israel's Netanyahu-haters have now finally succeeded, after more than a decade of failed attempts to have Netanyahu indicted for his "corrupt" behavior. They have criminalized normal political activities, a criminalization no other democracy has ever employed against any national leader, ever.  

That is, Western democracies understand that criminalizing what has become normal political activity (trying to convince editors and newspaper owners to give a leader better news coverage) will have a squelching effect on all newpaper-leader meetings, lest news people find themselves accused (as in Netanyahu's court case) of accepting bribes from a leader to provide better coverage to that leader. Western  democracies won't touch criminalizing such interactions. They believe that such interactons don't threaten democracy; they enhance it by keeping communication open between press and politician.

Doesn't matter. Israel's Netanyahu-haters have no fear of hurting Israel's democracy. The believe they are protecting Israel's democracy--by overthrowing one of a democracy's most hallowed traditions, the ballot box. 

Some in Israel find it hard to accept that the way to protect democracy is by overthrowing democracy's most fundamental principles--voting, and freedom of the press. But these voices appear to be locked into the silent majority these days. Their voices are, for the most part, muted, ignored or side-lined.

Sound familiar, America?

If Netanyahu loses his court case, he could go to jail--for breach of trust and bribery, among other charges. In addition, if found guilty, he may also be forbidden by law from holding public office--ever again.

Is this political madness?  Perhaps it is. Or, maybe it's just how democracy works these days. 

I never learned that democracy included political execution-by-trial. I was taught that democracy was about fair play, fair laws, the fair implementation of law--and a fair hearing in court. I was taught that democracy was about  the freedom of speech, fair elections and  religious freedom. I guess I was wrong.

Perhaps this is how democracy will die in Israel. Perhaps democracy will be poisoned by a lethal combination of corruption and political madness. Perhaps this combination will prove to be the recipe that finally destroys the democratic institutions that so many have worked so hard and for so long in Israel to perfect--but who now find themselves powerless and silenced.

Is this to be our future? Stay tuned.